In Cuties in Japan, Sharon Kinsella explores the ideologies and
practices of ‘cuteness’ in Japan. Since the 1980s, Kawaii style has become a dominant aspect of Japanese culture that
is ubiquitous in everyday life, impacting the ways Japanese populations–especially
young women–dress, eat, write, and affiliate within civic life. Kawaii, connotes childlike fashion, a
“style which is infantile and delicate at the same time as being pretty” that
values not only surrounding oneself with ‘cute things’, but also is “about
‘becoming’ the cute object itself” (Kinsellsa 220, 237).
Kinsella
explains that this interest in cuteness reflects a rebellion by Japanese youth against
the mainstream principles of self-sacrifice, work ethic, and responsibility
that had allowed for Japan’s rapid redevelopment after World War II. To
teenagers and young adults, the age groups most interested in cute fashion,
impending adulthood implies the loss of personal identity– the “cover up of
their real selves and…emotions under a layer of artifice” (Kinsella 240).
Further, maturity and civic life, are seen not as avenues for freedom of
action, but rather as the defined by cooperation, compromise, obligation, and
social responsibility that render adulthood oppressive and un-fun (Kinsella
243). This dreariness is especially apparent to young women who will no longer
be able to live independently, free from other’s desires, once she marries and
starts a family.
Thus,
in startling contrast to the bleakness of adulthood, Japanese youth organically
developed Kawaii style. Instead of worrying about harsh family and work
responsibilities, cute fashion acts as outlet for “an escape from reality”
through “cuteness, nostalgia, foreignness, romance, fantasy, and science
fiction” (Kinsella 252). Not only does Japanese cuteness create an existence
apart from everyday social pressures, but it is also based on an idealized
childhood that never truly existed. “Cute childlike behavior [is] considered
genuine and pure”, a reassertion of innocence, even as it is an artifice–“a
style derived from adults pretending to be childlike” (Kinsella 240).
Nevertheless, Kawaii style is a genuine expression of an alternative identity
at odds with mainstream Japanese culture.
Yet,
as detailed by Kinsella and as I observed in Japan this summer, cuteness is
everywhere in Japan and has become a key aspect of Japan’s hyper-consumerist
culture. Almost every product and company has an associated cartoon. Many young
women fully embrace the Victorian, virginal-child look (as sold at this store: http://shop.milk-inc.com), and the general
aesthetic of women’s fashion is overtly feminine, reminiscent of school
uniforms, pastely, and very frilly. Further, cuteness is a defining aspect of
Japanese pop (idol) bands (such as Moiromo Clover Z: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4PpyfM3nwTY), its mixed media industry, and Japan’s exports
abroad (such as http://morninggloryus.com). Thus Kawaii sytle, an identity the
purports to counter Japanese adulthood, has become a key proponent of
consumerism allowed by work and productivity in that adult world.
In
relation to our class, there exists another tension within Kawaii style that
sticks out to me. While cuteness has been embraced as an identity meant to differentiate
oneself from a life restricted by responsibilities, it also entails a
disempowering message. According to cute culture, “young people become popular”
because of “their apparent weakness, dependence, and inability, rather than
because of strengths and capabilities” (Kinsella 237). More than implying
cuteness, the word Kawaii also refers to pitifulness, vulnerability, and
powerlessness. By idealizing these attributes, Japanese cute culture does more
than relinquish unwanted responsibility–it celebrates young women’s
submissiveness and child-like dependence in a society where women are already
unequal (http://ajw.asahi.com/article/behind_news/social_affairs/AJ201310260017). Based on Kinsella’s reading and the other
articles for this week, do you guys think that Japanese youth culture simply
continues gender inequality? Or, by highlighting independence and freedom
removed from work responsibilities, it actually allows for young women to
create their own, alternative identities?
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ReplyDeleteI agree with Zachary's point that kawaii culture straddles the line between a dominant consumerist ideology, as Iszy states, and a countercultural movement against the repressive standards of adulthood, as Kinsella suggests. This is quite similar to the economy of fan culture in the United States: fans purchase memorabilia and DVDs of the objects of their fanhood, feeding into a gigantic economy where signed posters can sell for hundreds of dollars or more (I've seen it happen) while at the same time vacationing at weekend-long fan conventions where a primary concern is whether one's costume is authentic enough to impress people -- and where there are no professional or domestic obligations whatsoever. In this way, possessing a "geeky" identity, whether it is "otaku" or "Trekkie" or anything in between, is an exercise in alternating between multiple modes of maturity. On the one hand, fan culture is an escape from the real world and the responsibilities that it entails; on the other hand, it is a gateway to an entirely distinct set of rules and obligations: cosplay, for instance, is heavily policed by fans who argue that fans of certain racial backgrounds or body types should not cosplay certain characters. Even as fandom shucks maturity and the need for rules and limits altogether, it self-regulates and polices, reconstructing boundaries rather than fully eliminating them.
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