Monday, November 10, 2014

The "Hardcore Gamer" Ethos of Exclusion

           Erica Kubik’s “Masters of Technology: Defining the Hardcore/Casual Dichotomy in Video Game Culture” article is, at its core, based around showing how the dichotomy between “hardcore” and “casual” gamers is a heavily gendered, exclusionary one, created by white male gamers solely to justify their own prominence in video gaming culture.  As Kubik states, such a gendering is nothing new: white men have attempted to present themselves as “the makers” and masters “of technology” for decades, and their attempts have constantly relied on obscuring the enormous contributions women, people of color, and non-whites have made to technological history (Kubik, 137).  The very concept of “hard mastery and soft mastery” within the scientific and technological fields, in fact, is actually heavily gendered in nature, representing, as Jennifer Light points out, the idea that “the ‘hard’ ways of knowing are men’s domain” while the “‘soft’ ways of knowing are more feminine” (Light, 469).  It is why John Mauchly, J. Presper Eckert, and John von Neumann’s became famous for their “invention” of the ENIAC while the remarkable work of its female proto-programmers was forgotten, for programming was seen as the direct descendent of the maddeningly rote clerical labors that the ENIAC was supposed to eliminate. 

Though Kubik never mentions Light, the dichotomy between hardware and software the latter mentions is extremely relevant to Kubik’s work.  Just as the “hardware” of a computer was considered more valuable to work on precisely because designing it was seen as being more intellectually rewarding than the “clerical labor” associated with “software,” hardcore gamers’ preference for what Kubik describes as “ultra-competitive gameplay that exhibits technical mastery or a conquering mentality” betrays a need to justify their dominance in video gaming culture by pointing to their “mastery” of difficult game mechanics and games (Kubik, 146).  Of course, as Kubik writes, “in order to belong, there have to be people who don’t belong,” and those who “don’t belong,” those non-white, non-male, and/or non-heterosexual people who would dare white male “hardcore” video gaming culture, are lumped under the umbrella of being “casual gamers” (Kubik, 145).  Whereas the “hardcore gamer” is, in their own mind, distinguished by their skill and mastery over difficult games, “casual gamers” play “easy,” accessible, and ultimately (though Kubik does not refer to them in these terms) “non-skillful” Facebook and mobile games that aren’t even “proper” games; they are the unskilled, unwashed masses that the “hardcore” gamer can lord superiority over.  When the “hardcore” gamer speaks ill of “casual” gamers, in essence, they are upholding their specific notion of what gaming is by excluding those whose existence would challenge the notion that white males have an exclusive monopoly over technical mastery.

Yet, the challenge that casual gamers represent towards “hardcore gaming” culture runs deeper than that.  After all, as Kubik herself points out, in the minds of hardcore gamers, “they are the elite of gamers and […] industry leaders look to them to be the litmus test of quality when it comes to games because of” their mastery over games; their skill not only entitles them to lead the community, but also to have games made specifically for them (Kubik, 138).  When this doesn’t happen – when designers dare to make games that appeal to more than just the “hardcore elite” – the historical reaction among hardcore gamers has been to decry how “casuals” are bringing down the industry and ruining their favorite hobby.  Nowhere is this more obvious, from my perspective, than with Gamergate, a hate movement dedicated to throwing women, minority groups, and other non-conformers out of the gaming industry through death threats, rape threats, and disturbing amounts of misogyny and bigotry.  According to an Australian academic, Dan Golding, Gamergate is essentially the death-throes of a “gamer” identity (essentially the “hardcore” elite described by Kubik) in the wake of demographic changes that it cannot adapt to.  As Dan Golding states on his tumblr, a “gamer” is a constructed "identity based on difference and separateness” that was supposed to unite (white male) video-game players back from when “playing games was an unusual activity” (http://dangolding.tumblr.com/post/95985875943/the-end-of-gamers).  Yet, as a study from the Entertainment Software Association shows, this has been changing in a big way.  Not only has the number of women playing on both consoles and mobile devices (on both smartphones and devices made specifically for gaming, such as the 3DS) leapt up from 40% in 2010 to 48% in 2014, but “casual,” social games on Facebook and smartphones have gained prominence precisely because of their accessibility (http://www.theesa.com/facts/pdfs/ESA_EF_2014.pdf).   

The implications of this are fairly clear.  While Kubik tries to make sense of what a “hardcore” game is with her discussion of FPSes, the reality is that, as Golding states, “this insinuated criteria for ‘real’ videogames is wholly contingent on identity,” one that is fundamentally challenged not only by the increasing prominence of women, people of colors, and all other groups that fall outside of a white male “norm,” but also by the making of games not dedicated to the “hardcore” elite.  To me, nothing better represents how toxic – and how ultimately doomed – the exclusionary notion of “hardcore” gaming described by Kubik really is than in the formation of a hate group that has been formed essentially to protect a cultural conception of “gamers” that is already becoming less and less relevant culturally (and that couldn't come soon enough!).

6 comments:


  1. I’m so glad Kevin addressed Gamergate in this post, as it is certainly a product, in large part, of the push for a white male norm form of exclusivity in the “hardcore” gaming Kubik discusses. Gamergate has been criticized widely, but many of its supporters remain steadfast. Their stated goal is to uphold the ethics of gaming and game journalism, forming a so-called separation of church and state between journalists and their sources, in this case, hardcore gamers. In reality, many believe that Gamergate is an attempt to marginalize or effectively eliminate gamers that fall outside of the white male norm.

    I believe Gamergate is doing the same thing that Kubik argues that the words “hardcore” and “casual” do to the gaming world. “I argue that definitions of ‘hardcore’ and ‘casual’ constitute gaming identity by asserting value for some at the expense of others.” (Kubik 136) It’s a way of saying “This is my space. I belong here and you don’t.” It’s a male assertion of dominance and authority over females and specifically, females who have involved themselves in the gaming industry. It’s about a perceived identity, and the desire to protect that identity from those who could change it or widen its scope. The harassment of women, including the one initially implicated in Gamergate and also feminist activists such as Anita Sarkeesian, demonstrate the devaluation of females in gaming that Kubik examines in relation to the casual gamer.

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  2. Hi Kevin! Your blog post does a great job explicating Kubik's argument, and like Megan, I"m also glad that you've addressed Gamergate. I think you hit the nail on the head when you said in your last paragraph -- that the " 'criteria for 'real' videogames is wholly contingent on identity,' one that is fundamentally challenged not only by the increasing prominence of women, people of colors, and all other groups that fall outside of a white male 'norm,' but also by the making of games not dedicated to the 'hardcore' elite." As you've remarked in your post, identity is so crucial to the question of who holds power in the gaming community, yet the white men in these elite positions might not recognize it because "the figure of the hardcore gamer is about defining the center in idealized form, using markers of masculinity while rarely naming gender as a feature of normativity" (Kubik 141). White male gamers assume that their positions are natural and inherent because their gender is at the center, the governing element of structures of power within the gaming community, but one that is invisible; therefore, their privilege is invisible to them (as that is how privilege operates). When women, people of color, and other minority groups stake claims to gaming, male gamers are able to subsume this threat under rhetoric of hardcore/casual gaming, this "stealth racism or stealth sexism" that Kubik points to (141).

    I think this can be applied to Gamergate as well. This is my favorite article about Gamergate (http://deadspin.com/the-future-of-the-culture-wars-is-here-and-its-gamerga-1646145844) and I thought this quote was relevant:

    "Gamergate offers a way for this group [young, middle-class white men who mean something very specific when they call themselves gamers], accustomed to thinking of themselves as the fixed point around which the gaming-industrial complex revolves, to stage a sweeping counteroffensive in defense of their control over the medium." Author Kyle Wagner, contends that these particular gamers--in addition to the extremely silly ethics in journalism argument--by basically "co-opting the language and posture of grievance" of the oppressed. This kind of "ideological fortification" demonstrates how male gamers do not see their gender as the normative center.

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  3. I'm also very happy that Kevin brought up Gamergate, and while some news sources might call it "an online movement...focused primarily on ethics in video game journalism" (http://dailycaller.com/2014/11/13/the-waronnerds-how-far-left-feminists-and-the-media-created-gamergate/) and others might call it a "harassment campaign"(http://www.telegraph.co.uk/technology/video-games/11231892/Intel-reinstates-advertising-on-Gamasutra-after-Gamergate-campaign.html), the amalgamation of issues at hand in this "movement" goes even beyond Kubik's arguments about casual gaming. The scandal was initially launched with the attack of indie gaming developer Zoe Quinn, and while I don't remember the exact article that I read about the origins of gamergate, from what I remember, Quinn was abused for a numbers of reasons. One of them was that her male critics thought her game wasn't good - it was a game based on experiences with depression and definitely doesn't fit into the "hardcore" FPS category that so many male gamers hold as the standard. Beyond that, though, Quinn was attacked for her alleged sexual experiences, as if they somehow fit into how she conduced herself as a gaming developer.

    The only conclusion I can draw from this is that not only do female gamers have a to play certain kinds of games to be accepted as hardcore, their personal/sexual lives are scrutinized and have to fit an acceptable image as well. I think this definitely ties into Tony Harris's thoughts about women and sexual availability - women shouldn't act provocatively, but should show interest in certain kinds of men at all times - basically, policing women's bodies when they should have no relevance to the subject at hand.

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  4. I also think Kubik’s article can be applied in many ways to Gamergate. Megan mentioned one of Kubik’s quotes about how “hardcore” and “casual” gaming identities are created “by asserting value for some at the expense of others” (36), and I think that this issue of identity maintained through dominance is particularly relevant in the wake of Gamergate.

    Interestingly, Felicia Day posted an essay about Gamergate on her blog a few weeks ago, and I think it addresses many of the core issues with Gamergate, as well as her experiences in creating “The Guild”: (http://thisfeliciaday.tumblr.com/post/100700417809/the-only-thing-i-have-to-say-about-gamer-gate). In her blog post, she talks about how proud she is that “The Guild” has opened a dialogue about gaming identities, writing: “I’ve had people come up to me on the street and at conventions over the years to tell me that they feel confident to call themselves a gamer because of my work, where before they were ashamed.” The sad thing is that Day was doxxed shortly after she wrote this blog post, and her personal information was disseminated by Gamergate activists. Gamergate’s emphasis on doxxing is, I think, a pretty clear illustration of Kubik’s argument: maintaining power and creating an identity by exerting dominance over someone else.

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  5. I really appreciate the connections that you draw here, Kevin, especially between computer work and gaming; the gendered aspects of these fields have been noted throughout our course, and I wonder how far they translate. This also makes me question if other fields with similar gender discrepancies evolved in the same way.

    This hardcore/casual gamer dichotomy that you (and Kubik) discuss was something that was also sort of portrayed in season 5 of The Guild—when Codex/Cyd discovered that their game was likely to be bought out by a larger company, they all feared for the possibilities of elements that could be added to the game to appeal to casual gamers. Although this storyline was not necessarily coded as gendered, the connection remains and reminded me of Kubik’s description of the general disdain held by hardcore gamers for casual gamers. I think that The Guild did a very good job of addressing this issue without specifically gendering the problem of “casual gamers” as a female issue.

    To address the issue of Gamergate that others have discussed, I think part of the issue has to deal with stereotypical gamers or geeks seeing themselves as a long-marginalized group, and therefore unable to marginalize others. While this is of course a sweeping generalization, I really believe it holds true; I have personally experienced criticisms from “geek” male friends who, since they see themselves as outside the mainstream, believe that they themselves cannot be offensive, when of course this isn’t true.

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